IGNOU MSOE-003 Assignment Answers 2025: : Sociology of Religion Solved Part 2
Question 3: What is “okka”? Discuss with examples.
Answer: In sociology, the term “Okka” refers to a distinctive form of kinship and clan organization found among the Coorg (Kodava) community of Karnataka, India. The Okka system provides a fascinating example of how kinship serves as a fundamental organizing principle in traditional societies, shaping social structure, property relations, authority, and cultural identity. Studying the Okka sociologically allows us to understand how social groups maintain cohesion, transmit values, and regulate behavior through kin-based systems rather than formal state institutions.
Meaning and Nature of the Okka
The term Okka in the Kodava language refers to a patrilineal joint family or clan, consisting of all the male descendants of a common ancestor, along with their wives and unmarried daughters. In essence, the Okka is a corporate kin group — it has collective ownership of property, a shared lineage identity, and internal authority structures. Membership in an Okka is determined by birth, and an individual belongs to the father’s Okka throughout life.
Each Okka has a family name (mane peda) and a common ancestral home (ainmane), which serves as a symbolic and physical center of the clan. The ainmane is not just a residence; it represents the continuity of lineage, the unity of the family, and the collective memory of ancestors. It is where rituals, festivals, and ceremonies are held, particularly those honoring ancestral spirits.
The Okka thus functions as a social, economic, and religious unit, integrating kinship, property relations, and ritual practices into a coherent social structure.
Structure and Organization
An Okka can vary in size — from a few families to several hundred members — depending on the number of generations descended from the founding ancestor. Leadership within the Okka is typically exercised by the Karanava, the eldest male member of the senior branch. The Karanava acts as the head of the family, performing important ritual duties, settling internal disputes, and managing the family’s property and assets.
The Okka is organized according to patrilineal descent, meaning inheritance and lineage pass through the male line. Property, particularly ancestral land, is considered joint family property, belonging collectively to the Okka rather than to individual members. This system promotes economic security and social stability, as resources are not fragmented through individual inheritance.
Social and Cultural Functions of the Okka
From a sociological perspective, the Okka performs several essential functions within Kodava society:
- Kinship and Identity:
The Okka provides each individual with a clear sense of belonging and social identity. One’s Okka name is central to personal identity, social recognition, and marriage alliances. Marriage within the same Okka is strictly prohibited, as all members are considered kin. - Economic Cooperation:
Traditionally, the Okka jointly owned agricultural land, coffee plantations, and forests. Members shared labor and resources, ensuring economic interdependence and security. The collective ownership system minimized inequality and maintained harmony among kin. - Authority and Social Control:
The Okka serves as a moral and disciplinary authority. The Karanava and elders regulate behavior, resolve conflicts, and ensure that members adhere to family traditions. This internal governance reduces dependence on external legal or political institutions. - Ritual and Religion:
The Okka plays a vital role in ancestor worship, a central feature of Kodava religion. Annual ceremonies are held at the ainmane to honor deceased ancestors, seeking their blessings for the family’s prosperity. These rituals reinforce kinship solidarity and the continuity of tradition. - Social Security and Support:
The Okka functions as a social welfare unit, providing support in times of crisis such as illness, death, or financial hardship. This collective responsibility strengthens the bonds of mutual aid and social cohesion.
Examples of Okka Practices
For example, the Mandepanda Okka, one of the well-known Kodava clans, maintains its ancestral home and regularly organizes rituals such as Karonada Okka Namme, a festival celebrating the clan’s heritage and ancestors. During these gatherings, members from distant places return to the ainmane, renew kinship ties, and participate in collective worship and feasting.
Similarly, the Nadikerianda Okka is known for its historical prominence and large number of members. Each Okka preserves oral histories, genealogies, and family traditions, which are transmitted across generations. Such practices reflect the Okka’s role as a repository of collective memory and a guardian of social continuity.
Sociological Significance
From a sociological standpoint, the Okka exemplifies the functionalist perspective on kinship. It fulfills vital functions — socialization, regulation of marriage, economic cooperation, and social integration — which maintain the stability and continuity of society. The Okka also illustrates Durkheim’s idea of mechanical solidarity, where social cohesion is based on shared kinship, tradition, and collective conscience rather than contractual relationships.
However, modernization, urbanization, and individualization have begun to transform the Okka system. Many members now live in cities and work in professions unrelated to agriculture. While property divisions and nuclear families have emerged, the emotional and ritual significance of the Okka continues. Even today, festivals, ancestral worship, and clan gatherings help preserve the cultural identity of the Kodava people.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the Okka represents a foundational social institution in Kodava society that combines kinship, property, religion, and identity into a single integrated system. It serves as both a social unit and a moral community, ensuring economic cooperation, cultural continuity, and social solidarity. Through its collective rituals, shared ancestry, and moral discipline, the Okka exemplifies how traditional kinship systems function as miniature societies. Although changing under the pressures of modernity, the Okka remains a living symbol of the enduring power of kinship in shaping social life — a testament to the sociological truth that family and community lie at the heart of all human societies.
Question 4: Explain T.N. Madan‟s view of non-renunciation with suitable example.
Answer: In Indian sociology, T.N. Madan stands as one of the most influential scholars who explored the relationship between religion, kinship, and social life. One of his key contributions is his concept of “non-renunciation”, which he developed through his study of the Kashmiri Pandits, a Brahmin community in North India. Madan’s work challenges the long-standing assumption in both Indian philosophy and Western sociology that renunciation (sannyasa) — the withdrawal from worldly life for spiritual liberation — represents the highest form of religious pursuit in Hindu society. Instead, Madan demonstrates that for the majority of Hindus, the ideal of non-renunciation — living a householder’s life within the world — is more central to social and moral order.
Background: Renunciation as an Ideal in Hindu Thought
In classical Hindu philosophy, particularly in the ashrama system, life is divided into four stages:
- Brahmacharya (student life),
- Grihastha (householder life),
- Vanaprastha (retired life), and
- Sannyasa (renunciation).
Traditionally, renunciation — the final stage — is regarded as the spiritual ideal. The renouncer, or sannyasi, gives up worldly attachments, family ties, property, and desires to seek moksha (liberation). Early sociologists and Indologists, such as Louis Dumont in Homo Hierarchicus, emphasized this ascetic ideal as the essence of Indian civilization.
However, T.N. Madan questioned this interpretation. Through detailed ethnographic research among Kashmiri Pandits, he argued that while renunciation is honored as a moral and religious concept, the practice of renunciation is not the dominant social norm. Most Hindus, he observed, live within the framework of kinship, family, and social obligations — hence, they follow the principle of non-renunciation.
Meaning of Non-Renunciation
According to Madan, non-renunciation is not the rejection of spirituality or moral discipline; rather, it is the integration of spiritual ideals within worldly life. It emphasizes fulfilling social duties, maintaining kinship ties, and participating in rituals while still upholding moral restraint and detachment.
In his view, Hindu social life is organized around the Grihastha ashrama — the householder stage. The householder sustains the entire social and ritual order by producing wealth, performing sacrifices, and supporting dependents. Thus, far from being inferior, the householder’s life is both ethically significant and socially essential.
Madan describes non-renunciation as an ethic of engagement — a way of balancing spiritual values with worldly responsibilities. It allows individuals to pursue religious merit (dharma), material prosperity (artha), and legitimate desires (kama) while keeping the ultimate goal of liberation (moksha) in mind.
Empirical Basis: The Kashmiri Pandits
Madan’s theory is grounded in his ethnographic study, “Family and Kinship: A Study of the Pandits of Rural Kashmir” (1965). Among the Kashmiri Pandits, he found that the family and kinship network form the core of social life. The Pandits value learning, ritual observance, and moral restraint, but they rarely advocate total withdrawal from the world. Instead, they idealize a disciplined, household-centered life in which spiritual and social duties coexist.
For example, in Kashmiri Pandit households, Brahmin priests perform rituals, read scriptures, and meditate, but they also marry, raise children, and manage household affairs. The continuity of lineage (vamsha), care for ancestors, and social obligations to kin are regarded as moral duties. Even religious asceticism is viewed with ambivalence — respected, but not imitated.
Madan noted that ritual purity, moral conduct, and social harmony are achieved not by renouncing society but by fulfilling one’s duties within it. The ideal man is not the renouncer who abandons the world, but the householder who balances spiritual detachment with worldly involvement.
The Sociological Significance of Non-Renunciation
From a sociological standpoint, Madan’s concept of non-renunciation reveals the interaction between religious values and social structure in Hindu society. It shows that Hinduism accommodates multiple life orientations — ascetic and householder — but gives primacy to the latter in everyday life.
- Integration of Religion and Society:
Non-renunciation ensures that religion remains embedded in social institutions like family, marriage, and kinship. Religious duties are performed within the household, making the family a sacred space. - Moral Regulation:
The ethic of non-renunciation regulates individual desires and material pursuits through dharma (moral law). It teaches moderation, self-control, and responsibility, thereby maintaining social order. - Continuity of Social Life:
Since renunciation involves celibacy and detachment, widespread renunciation would threaten the reproduction of society. Non-renunciation, by contrast, sustains social continuity through marriage, procreation, and economic cooperation. - Reinterpretation of Asceticism:
Madan redefines asceticism as an inner attitude rather than a physical withdrawal. A true non-renouncer practices detachment in spirit while remaining engaged in social and moral life — an idea similar to the Bhagavad Gita’s notion of nishkama karma (action without attachment).
Example of Non-Renunciation in Practice
An example of non-renunciation can be seen in Hindu household rituals such as shraddha (ancestral offerings) or puja performed by the head of the family. These rituals combine religious devotion with social responsibility, reinforcing family bonds and moral obligations. Similarly, Mahatma Gandhi exemplified non-renunciation through his principle of “karma yoga” — he lived amidst the world, engaged in politics and service, yet practiced detachment and self-discipline.
Conclusion
In conclusion, T.N. Madan’s view of non-renunciation offers a sociological corrective to earlier interpretations that overemphasized asceticism in Hinduism. By focusing on the lived experiences of the Kashmiri Pandits, Madan shows that the dominant moral ideal in Hindu society is not withdrawal but engaged detachment — living responsibly within the world while maintaining spiritual discipline. Non-renunciation thus represents a uniquely Indian synthesis of worldly and spiritual life, where family, duty, and religion coexist harmoniously. Through this framework, Madan reaffirms that the essence of Hindu social life lies not in escaping the world, but in transforming it through moral action and social responsibility.
Outline the Marxian concept of religion.
Examine totemism as an elementary form of religion.
What is “okka”? Discuss with examples.
Explain T.N. Madan‟s view of non-renunciation with suitable example.
Explain phenomenology of religion with special reference to Peter Bergers‟ view.
Discuss the theories of secularism with special reference to the Indian experience.
Explain Clifford Geertz‟s approach to the understanding of religion.
Discuss the view of Lèvi-Strauss on totemism.
IGNOU MSOE-003 Assignment Answers 2025: : Sociology of Religion Solved Part 2